Abstract This study examines the impact of perceived community alienation on levels of self-reported mastery and motivation for proactive law enforcement for 272 police officers from eleven law enforcement agencies in a large Southeast Michigan County. Also, it investigates the impact of three highly publicized "anti-police" judicial verdicts (i.e., Rodney King, Malice Green, and O.J. Simpson) on the predicted alienation-mastery-proactive enforcement relationship.
Results support the study's major hypothesis that as officers' perceived level of alienation increases, they will report less mastery, and express less willingness for proactive enforcement efforts . One regression model confirms the study's second hypothesis that the inverse relationship between alienation and motivation for proactive enforcement increases significantly following the "anti-police" judicial verdicts.
The contemporary community policing movement emphasizes changing the role of law enforcement from a static, reactive, incident-driven bureaucracy to a more dynamic, open, quality-oriented partnership with the community (Brown and Wycoff, 1987; Eck et al., 1987; Goldstein, 1990). Community policing philosophy emphasizes that police officers work closely with local citizens and community agencies in designing and implementing a variety of crime prevention strategies and problem-solving measures. To accomplish these initiatives, it is crucial that officers feel closely integrated with the majority of citizens and agencies in the community they serve. Typically, this means that officers perceive themselves as sharing important community values, beliefs, and goals. It also implies that officers are confident of community support and involvement in their decisions and actions (Bobinsky, 1994; Burden, 1992; Mastrofski et al., 1995). It is the premise of the present study that as the perception of community alienation increases among police officers, their sense of confidence or mastery in decision-making will decrease, and so, too, their motivation for proactive enforcement.
Alienation is essentially a sociological concept developed by several classical and contemporary theorists (esp., Durkheim, 1951, 1984; Fromm, 1941, 1955; Marx, 1846, 1867; Seeman 1959; Simmel, 1950, 1971). According to these theorists, alienation is defined as a condition in social relationships reflected by a low degree of integration or common values and a high degree of distance or isolation between individuals, or between an individual and a group of people in a community or work environment.
The experience of community alienation among police officers would appear to be anathema to effective community policing efforts for at least two essential reasons. First, alienation appears to be closely tied to the experience of mastery. Mastery is typically defined as a state of mind in which an individual feels autonomous and experiences confidence in his or her ability, skill, and knowledge to control or influence external events (Wilson, 1989). Community policing requires departments to flatten their organizational pyramid and place even more decision-making and discretion in the hands of line officers. Thus, it would seem logical that as the level of community alienation or isolation that officers experience increases, there will be a corresponding decrease in officers' sense of mastery in carrying out their expanded discretionary role.
Second, a strong sense of community integration for police officers would seem to be vital to the core community policing focus of proactive law enforcement. Proactive enforcement is usually defined as the predisposition of police officers to be actively committed to crime prevention, community problem-solving, and a more open, dynamic quality-oriented law enforcement-community partnership (Bobinsky, 1994; Taylor et al., 1998). Again, it would seem logical that the stronger the level of perceived community alienation, the weaker officers' motivation to engage in proactive law enforcement behavior.
Several effects of alienation on police officers' behavior have been demonstrated in the literature. For example, Berg et al. (1984), found that a lack of community support resulted in an increased sense of alienation and a greater degree of apathy among police officers. King (1995) and Mottaz (1983), found that a lack of community support and working in a larger populated community was associated with an increased sense of alienation and a greater degree of inactivity among police officers. Pogrebin (1987), discovered that an increased sense of alienation resulted in a greater degree of negative feelings and lethargy among police officers. Finally, Shernock (1988), found that the more police officers felt socially isolated from the community they served, the more they withdrew and the more negative they felt towards its citizens.
No empirical studies were found in the literature, however, that specifically focused on the relationship of alienation with mastery and motivation for proactive enforcement for police officers. Also, no empirical research was uncovered that investigated the impact of highly publicized "anti-police" judicial verdicts (i.e., Rodney King, 1991; Malice Green, 1992; and O.J. Simpson, 1994) on the proposed alienation-mastery-proactive enforcement relationship. Therefore, the present study was designed to test the following hypotheses:
H1. As the level of officers' perceived community alienation increases, their level of mastery will decrease, and so too their motivation or willingness to engage in proactive enforcement behavior.
H2. The predicted inverse relationship between alienation and mastery/proactive enforcement will increase significantly following the "anti-police" judicial verdicts.
This study will also examine the relationship of gender, age, seniority, race, rank, education, degree of urbanism, and residency, to the predicted alienation-mastery-proactive enforcement relationships. A review of the research suggests that these variables be included as controls for the following reasons: gender, because it may influence an officer's level of perceived alienation (Schmidt et al., 1982)[1]; age and seniority, because they may be associated with officer complacency, and thus, may influence motivation for proactive enforcement (Berg et al., 1984; King, 1995; Pogrebin, 1987); race, because it may influence an officer's level of perceived alienation and motivation for proactive enforcement when it is different from the majority race in the working community (Berg et al., 1984; Crank et al., 1995); rank and education, because both have been shown to influence an officer's level of perceived alienation (Crank et al., 1995; Mottaz, 1983); degree of urbanism, because the complexity, population density, and anonymity associated with urban communities, can influence an officer's level of perceived alienation (Durkheim, 1984; Erikson, 1986; King, 1995; Mottaz, 1983; Schmitt, 1983; Simmel, 1950); and residency, because living in or choosing to live in the working community can impact an officer's level of perceived alienation and motivation for proactive enforcement (King, 1995).
Methods
Sample
The present study surveyed 272 police officers from eleven law enforcement agencies. These agencies ranged in size from 15 to 850 officers, and included nine city police departments, one county sheriff's department, and one university public safety department. Each department was located in a large metropolitan county in Southeast Michigan with a population density of 3,392 persons per square mile. The communities served by these departments ranged in size from approximately 10,000 to more than two million people. The racial make-up of this county was approximately 60% white and 40% black. There was a mean ratio of 18 sworn police officers to every 10,000 citizens. Racially, these nine communities ranged from predominantly white (99%) to mostly minority (69%).
Officers in the sample were predominantly male (95.2%). They ranged in age from 22 to 59 years, with a mean age of 37.4 years. The majority of police officers were caucasian (84.2%). Three quarters (75%) of the officers surveyed were line patrol officers, while the other 25% held the rank of sergeant or higher. Officers ranged in seniority from one to over twenty-one years, with a mean seniority of 12.9 years of service. Every officer surveyed had completed their high school education. Over half of the officers (50.4%) had at least some college, more than one fourth (28.7%) had a Bachelors Degree, and 14% had an advanced graduate degree. Close to two-thirds of the officers in this study (61.8%) lived in the community in which they worked.
Degree of urbanism
Officers from the eleven police departments in this study were grouped into three categories (high, moderate, and low-urban) based on the degree of urbanism of the community they served. Degree of urbanism was based on two factors proposed by Bartol (1982) and Theodorson (1979):
1) the distance in miles from the community to the center of any urban sprawl, and
2) the population density per square mile of each community. Using these criteria, one hundred officers (36.8%) worked in high-urban communities, one hundred thirty-one worked in moderate-urban settings (48.2%), and the remaining forty-one (15.1%) served in low-urban areas.
Survey instrument
A survey instrument was developed by the authors to measure police officers' level of perceived alienation, sense of mastery, and willingness to respond proactively both before and after "anti-police" judicial verdicts. The instrument contained eighteen items which were conceived and operationalized based on the conceptualization of alienation, mastery, and proactive enforcement, by the various social theorists and researchers cited earlier.
Alienation was measured in two ways: first, by three "Residence and Choice" items which asked officers if it was totally up to them, would they choose to live in the community where they worked, and second, by four Likert Scale items which asked officers to rate the degree to which they shared the family, religious, economic, and political values of the community they served. Mastery was measured using six Likert Scale items on which officers rated the degree to which their work community supported their enforcement efforts, encouraged them to actively enforce the law, was likely to turn against them when something went wrong, and the extent to which they could use their own judgement in responding to crime and felt that they were making a difference in the community.
Motivation for proactive enforcement was measured using five Likert Scale items on which officers rated the degree to which (assuming total volition) they were willing to respond proactively to various criminal activities in the community. They were then asked to rate the degree of change in this proactive willingness following the "anti-police" judicial verdicts.
Sampling procedure
The unit of analysis was individual police officers. Selection of the eleven departments surveyed in this study was done using a non-probability judgmental sampling method (Babbie, 1989). All uniformed patrol officers in these departments (402) ranked as lieutenant or below were asked to complete the survey on a voluntary and anonymous basis. These officers were selected because they work the street and typically confront law enforcement situations where they use their own discretion and initiative. Of the 402 officers surveyed, 272 (68%) completed and returned the questionnaire.
Specifications of regression models
This study concerns the relationship of officers' perceived alienation on their sense of mastery and their subsequent motivation for proactive enforcement. The authors predict that perceived alienation is inversely related to sense of mastery and proactive enforcement; as alienation increases mastery will decrease and so too officers' willingness to patrol proactively. The authors also predict that the inverse relationship between alienation and mastery/proactive enforcement will increase significantly following the "anti-police" court decisions.
These hypotheses were tested by hierarchical regression which is a procedure for regression analysis to test the hypothetical relationships among the variables and present the explanatory power of the incremental models. The statistic employed to indicate the explanatory power of a regression model is the "coefficient of determination" -- R2. Thus, for the equation using the Mastery Scale as the dependent variable, two models were constructed to test the importance of alienation. These models differed in their inclusion of the explanatory variables: Model 1 contained demographic variables only. This model serves as a baseline for comparisons. In other words, if alienation is indeed an important factor effecting the dependent variable as hypothesized by this study, one should expect Model 1 (a model without alienation) to have very little explanatory power. By contrast, Model 2 which adds the measures of alienation to Model 1, should have much stronger explanatory power.
For the equation using the Proactive Enforcement Scale or Proactive Enforcement Since Verdicts Scale as the dependent variable, three models were constructed to test the importance of alienation. These models differed in their inclusion of the explanatory variables: Model 1 contained demographic variables only; Model 2 adds the measures of alienation to Model 1; and Model 3 adds the Mastery Scale to Model 2.
Results
Validity and reliability of scales
An exploratory factor analysis (DeVellis, 1991) was used to test for construct validity to determine if the individual items in the survey instrument were empirically related to the broader concepts of alienation, mastery, proactive enforcement, and proactive enforcement since verdicts. Findings of this test revealed item loadings ranging from: .63 to .86 for the Alienation Scale, with most items loading above .80; .48 to .71 for the Mastery Scale, with all but one item loading above .50; .52 to .69 for the Proactive Enforcement Scale, with most items loading above .60; and again .52 to .69 for the Proactive Enforcement Since Verdicts Scale. Thus, in terms of validity, this test revealed that all the items that purport to measure their concept grouped together in one dimension, with all but one item loading above the .50 minimum acceptable level.
In addition, Cronbach's alpha (DeVellis, 1991) was used to test for scale reliability. Findings of this test revealed the values of: .85 for the Alienation Scale; .75 for the Mastery Scale; .66 for the Proactive Enforcement Scale; and .71 for the Proactive Enforcement Since Verdicts Scale. Thus, in terms of reliability, all scales were above the .60 minimum acceptable level.
The effect of alienation on mastery
Table 1 presents results of the hierarchical regression analysis to test the hypothesis of alienation on mastery. When the regression equation included solely the five demographic variables (Model 1), almost none of the variation in mastery could be explained (R2 = .0036). However, when the Residence and Choice Variable and Alienation Scale were added to the regression equation (Model 2), the coefficient of determination, R2, increased to .2692. Overall, the independent variables in Model 2 explained more than 26% of the variation in mastery (see Table 1 below).
Regression Model 2 also revealed a significant positive relationship between the Alienation Scale and the Mastery Scale, where one unit of increase in the Alienation score raised the Mastery score by 0.54, net of impacts of all other variables (p<.01).[1] These results appear to support the predicted relationship between alienation and mastery.
Table 1 (Model 2) also displays a significant positive relationship between age and mastery. Other things being equal, a one year increase in age increased the Mastery score by .08. Younger police officers self-reported a higher level of mastery than older officers. Model 2 also revealed a significant inverse relationship between race and mastery with white officers reporting a higher level of mastery than nonwhite officers.
TABLE 1: REGRESSION RESULTS - ALIENATION AND DEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES ON MASTERY
Independent Variables Hierarchical Regression Models
Model 1 Model 2
Demographic Variables:
Age .06 .08*
(1.4) (2.39)
Race: White vs. Nonwhite (D) -.49 -1.55*
(-.61) (-2.18)
Rank: Police Officer vs. Sgt or higher (D) 1.63* .82
(2.10) (1.19)
Education: Bachelor or higher vs. Other (D) -.49 -.82
(-.89) (-1.69)
Degree of Urbanism: High vs. Other (D) -.12 -.79
(-.20) (-1.53)
Measures of Alienation:
Residence and Choice Variable .28
(1.33)
Alienation Scale .54**
(7.82)
Constant 13.96 8.47
Adjusted R2 .0036 .2692
R2 Increment .2656
Note:
A t statistics are shown in parentheses
* Significant at the 0.05 level, two-tailed test
** Significant at the 0.01 level, two-tailed test
D Denotes a dichotomous variable
The effect of alienation and mastery on proactive enforcement
Table 2 presents results of the hierarchical regression analysis to test the hypothesis of alienation on proactive enforcement. When the regression equation consisted solely of five demographic variables (Model 1), very little variation in proactive enforcement was explained (R2 = 0.0368). However, when the Residence and Choice Variable and Alienation Scale were added to the regression equation (Model 2), the coefficient of determination increased to .1660. Finally, by adding the Mastery Scale to the equation (Model 3), an additional gain of .0687 occurred in R2. Overall, Model 3 accounted for more than 23% of the variation in proactive enforcement (see Table 2 below).
Regression Model 3 also showed a significant positive relationship between the Alienation Scale and the Proactive Enforcement Scale, where one unit of increase in the Alienation score raised the Proactive Enforcement score by .21 (p<.01), net of impacts of all other variables.[2] A significant positive relationship is also shown in Model 3 between the Mastery Scale and the Proactive Enforcement Scale, where one unit of increase in the Mastery score raised the Proactive Enforcement score by .28 (p<.01), net of impacts of all other variables. Again, these results supported the predicted relationship between alienation and proactive enforcement.
Table 2 (Model 3) also displays a significant positive relationship between both age and race and proactive enforcement. A one year increase in age corresponded with an increase in the Proactive Enforcement score of .12, and white police officers scored 1.32 units higher on the Proactive Enforcement Scale than nonwhite officers. This means younger or nonwhite officers generally have more desire for proactive enforcement than older or white officers.
TABLE 2: REGRESSION RESULTS - MASTERY AND OTHER VARIABLES ON PROACTIVE ENFORCEMENT
Independent Variables Hierarchical Regression Models
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Demographic Variables:
Age .12** .14** .12**
(3.30) (4.14) (3.72)
Race: White vs. Nonwhite (D) 1.45* .87 1.32*
(1.95) (1.22) (1.92)
Rank: Police Officer vs. Sgt or higher (D) 1.37* .78 .60
(1.98) (1.17) (.94)
Education: Bachelor or higher vs. Other (D) -.18 -.30 -.03
(-.37) (-.62) (-.07)
Degree of Urbanism: High vs. Other (D) .37 -.05 .14
(.69) (-.10) (.28)
Measures of Alienation:
Residence and Choice Variable -.08 -.13
(-.36) (-.68)
Alienation Scale .37** .21**
(5.45) (2.87)
Measure of Mastery:
Mastery Scale .28**
(4.59)
Constant 5.74 2.01 -.46
Adjusted R2 .0368 .1660 .2347
R2 Increment .1292 .0687
Note:
A t statistics are shown in parentheses
* Significant at the 0.05 level, two-tailed test
** Significant at the 0.01 level, two-tailed test
D Denotes a dichotomous variable
The effect of alienation and mastery on proactive enforcement since verdicts
Table 3 presents results of the hierarchical regression analysis to test the hypothesis of alienation on proactive enforcement since verdicts. Again, when the regression equation includes only the five demographic variables (Model 1), very little of the variation in proactive enforcement since verdicts was explained (R2 = .0430). However, by adding the Residence and Choice Variable and the Alienation Scale to the regression equation (Model 2), the coefficient of determination increased to .0760. Finally, by adding the Mastery Scale to the regression equation (Model 3), an added gain of .0771 in R2 occurred. Overall, the independent variables in Model 3 accounted for about 15.3% of the variation in proactive enforcement since verdicts (see Table 3 below).
Regression Model 2 also showed a significant positive relationship between the Alienation Scale and the Proactive Enforcement Since Verdicts Scale, where one unit of increase in the Alienation score raised the Proactive Enforcement Since Verdicts score by .11, net of impacts of all other variables (p<.05).[3] However, when the Mastery Scale was added into the regression equation Model 3, the coefficient of the Alienation Scale becomes insignificant. A positive relationship is also shown in Model 3 between the Mastery Scale and the Proactive Enforcement Since Verdicts Scale, where one unit of increase in the Mastery score raised the Proactive Enforcement Since Verdicts score by .19 (p<.01), net of impacts of all other variables.
Table 3 (Model 3) also displays a significant and positive relationship between age and proactive enforcement since verdicts. Other things being equal, a one year increase in age increased the Proactive Enforcement Since Verdicts score by .07. This means younger police officers generally have more desire for proactive enforcement since verdicts than older officers.
In general, the impact of alienation on proactive enforcement since verdicts is complicated: Model 2 supports the research hypothesis, but Model 3 does not. This is probably because the causal relationship between alienation, mastery, and proactive enforcement since verdicts is more sophisticated than the hierarchical regression analysis used in this study, where each model treats the dependent variable separately (one at a time).
TABLE 3: REGRESSION RESULTS - MASTERY AND OTHER VARIABLES ON PROACTIVE ENFORCEMENT SINCE VERDICTS
Independent Variables Hierarchical Regression Models
Model 1 Model 2 Model 3
Demographic Variables:
Age .08** .09** .07**
(3.73) (4.02) (3.47)
Race: White vs. Nonwhite (D) .73 .55 .86
(1.62) (1.21) (1.94)
Rank: Police Officer vs. Sgt or higher (D) .80 .60 .43
(1.91) (1.40) (1.04)
Education: Bachelor or higher vs. Other (D) -.01 -.10 .09
(-.04) (-.34) (.30)
Degree of Urbanism: High vs. Other (D) .46 .26 .37
(1.41) (.80) (1.17)
Measures of Alienation:
Residence and Choice Variable .11 .06
(.82) (.47)
Alienation Scale .11* .00
(2.47) (.04)
Measure of Mastery:
Mastery Scale .19**
(4.74)
Constant .69 -.60 -2.17
Adjusted R2 .0430 .0760 .1531
R2 Increment .0330 .0771
Note:
A t statistics are shown in parentheses
* Significant at the 0.05 level, two-tailed test
** Significant at the 0.01 level, two-tailed test
D Denotes a dichotomous variable
[1] Note, a low level of mastery is actually indicated by a high score on the Mastery Scale.
[2] Note, a low degree of willingness for proactive enforcement is actually indicated by a high score on the Proactive Enforcement Scale.
[3] Note, a low degree of willingness for proactive enforcement since verdicts is actually indicated by a high score on the Proactive Enforcement Since Verdicts Scale.
[4] Limitations regarding the external validity of this study should be recognized because police departments used in this study were selected by a non-probability judgmental sampling method from departments located in one county. Thus, the findings may be biased. It should, however, be pointed out that national data of local officers demonstrated the demographics of the sample found in this study are fairly representative (see U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1996).
Conclusion and implications[4]
Overall, the major hypothesis of the present study was confirmed. As the level of community alienation perceived by police officers increased, their sense of mastery deceased, and so too their willingness to engage in proactive law enforcement activities. Also, one of the regression models supported the study's secondary prediction that the expected inverse relationship between alienation and proactive enforcement would increase significantly since the "anti-police" judicial verdicts.
Regarding demographic variables, results revealed that older officers self-reported lower levels of mastery, less willingness for proactive enforcement, and less willingness for proactive enforcement since verdicts. This finding is consistent with other research results that senior officers generally express more negative job attitudes and futility about their work (King, 1995; Mottaz, 1983; Pogrebin, 1987). Also, compared to nonwhite officers, white officers reported a higher level of mastery and less willingness for proactive enforcement. This finding may have been influenced by the fact that all of the highly publicized "anti-police" judicial verdicts cited in this study involved white officers.
Consistent with the theory posited by this study, it was expected that officers working in communities with a higher degree of urbanism would experience the most alienation (see Durkheim, 1951, 1984; Simmel, 1950, 1971). However, significance was not found for this variable and the results were inconclusive. This could be due to the lack of participation by any true "big city" police department. Departments of this type declined to participate in this study because they viewed the survey items regarding the Rodney King, Malice Green, and O.J. Simpson cases as too politically sensitive.
The results of this study underscore the importance of minimizing police officer alienation, especially in community policing programs. Alienated officers are likely to experience less mastery on the job and to become less willing to work proactively with citizens and community agencies to solve community problems related to crime. Negative attitudes and "burnout" symptoms displayed by alienated officers can affect the morale and productivity of an entire department (Pogrebin, 1987).
These results further suggest the need for police departments and communities to work together to implement community policing programs from the start in a way that minimizes the potential for police officer alienation. Departments, for example, must do some major soul-searching about whether or not they have undertaken the organizational changes necessary to implement effective, alienation-resistant, community-orientated policing. In the words of Taylor et al. (1998: 3):
"...How many departments have actually changed the entrance requirements for new officers to reflect changes in the police role? How many have changed recruit training from a military oriented academy to curriculum more in tune with the new role demanded by community policing? How many departments have flattened their organizational pyramid and placed more decision-making in the hands of officers? How many chiefs have turned the organization 'upside-down' and have committed to participatory dialogue with officers as a major part of their management style? How many departments have actually changed their organizational culture? How many departments have structurally changed on a city-wide basis? Unfortunately, we submit to you only a very select few!"
Furthermore, police officers cannot be an isolated group within a city trying to be all things to all people. City governments must also become more decentralized and committed to community problem-solving. City agencies must team with police in an integrated proactive problem-solving manner. Police cannot possibly be expected to deal with major social problems without the partnership and resources of the entire community.
This study also suggests the need for education to help officers recognize the impact of alienation on police performance. For example, officers can learn the prominent features of alienation such as powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, isolation, and self-estrangement (Seeman, 1959). They can learn about cultural diversity, community values, and the often conflicting nature of citizen expectations. They can be taught to understand the psychological experience of alienation, how it is produced, and how to avoid it like the plague. Also, they can learn to take the negative attitudes and unrealistic expectations of citizens less personally, perhaps even to experience compassion for separate cultural realities.
Finally, departments can increase their efforts to provide consistent support and recognition of good community police work (Berg et al., 1984; Pogrebin, 1987; Schmidt et al., 1982). For example, recognition must be expanded from the traditional criteria of making arrests and clearing cases. Officer evaluations must begin to recognize the changes in police role inherent in the community policing philosophy.
Since the Crime Bill was passed in 1994, over $3.3 billion has been funneled into about 9,000 police agencies for community policing initiatives. Over 61,000 new community police officers have been hired, and an additional $1.5 billion has been spent on new community policing programs (Taylor et al., 1998). Also, thousands of existing officers have been reassigned to various community policing projects. Efforts to prevent officer isolation and alienation and to enhance strong officer-community bonds must be undertaken quickly, lest community-oriented policing become the LEAA of the 1990s.
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Robert C. Ankony is the Director of CFM Research on Grosse Ile Michigan. He is a former detective sergeant from a metropolitan sheriff's department. He received a Master of Correctional Sciences degree from the University of Detroit and his PhD in sociology from Wayne State University in Detroit. His research interests include police behavior, policing, use of deadly force, and firearm-related crime.
Thomas M. Kelley is Associate Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice at Wayne State University in Detroit. His research interests include police stress, the nature and prevention of juvenile delinquency, and child abuse and neglect. His latest book concerning reducing stress and alienation for criminal justice personnel is called, "Falling in Love with Life: A Guide to Effortless Happiness and Inner Peace" (Breakthrough Press; Rochester, MI).
Originally published in Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, vol. 22, no 2 (1999): 120-32.
